Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo

Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo

The white scarf of the Mothers, painted on the ground in Plaza de Mayo, Buenos Aires

The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Spanish: Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo) is an association of Buenos Aires, in front of the Casa Rosada presidential palace, in public defiance of the government's state terrorism intended to silence all opposition.

The years of 1976 to 1983 in Argentina are referred to as the “Dirty War” period. To the people of the country, this era represents the lives taken, families broken, and numerous

  • (Spanish) Asociación Madres de Plaza de Mayo
  • (Spanish) Madres de Plaza de Mayo – Línea Fundadora
  • (English) Asociación Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo
  • (Spanish) Proyecto Desaparecidos
  • International Committee Against Disappearances
  • "A 'Recovered Grandchild' Finds His Way Home", 12 November 2010 video report, Democracy Now!

External links

  • Mothers of the Disappeared, by Jo Fisher (1989).
  • Revolutionizing Motherhood: The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, by Marguerite Guzman Bouvard (1994).
  • Circle of Love Over Death: Testimonies of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, by Matilde Mellibovsky, trans. by Maria & Matthew Proser (1997).
  • Searching for Life: The Grandmothers of the Plaza De Mayo and the Disappeared Children of Argentina, by Rita Arditti (1999).
  • A Lexicon of Terror: Argentina and the Legacies of Torture, by Marguerite Feitlowitz (1998)
  • "Las cenizas de Azucena, junto a la Pirámide", Página/12, 9 December 2005 (Spanish).

Further reading

  1. ^ [9]. Denver University, Case Specific Briefing Paper, "Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo: First Responders for Human Rights", 2011. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
  2. ^ [10]. "Purdue University Press", article, "Textual Strategies to Resist Disappearance and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo", 2007. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
  3. ^ a b Lester Kurtz. "Movements and Campaigns", Nonviolent Conflict website, N.p., n.d. Web. 16 December 2012
  4. ^ [11]. "Gariwo", article, "Azucena Villaflor: A Mother of the Plaza de Mayo". Accessed: May 4, 2015.
  5. ^ Durham, Robert B. (2014). False Flags, Covert Operations, & Propaganda. lulu.com. p. 96.  
  6. ^ [12]. "Los Angeles Times", article, "Argentines Remember a Mother Who Joined the "Disappeared"", March 24, 2006. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
  7. ^ [13]. "JSTOR", article, "Argentina's Mothers of Plaza de Mayo: The Mourning Process from Junta to Democracy", 1987. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
  8. ^ [14]. "The New Yorker", article, "Children of the Dirty Way", March 19, 2012. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
  9. ^ [15]. "The Oxford International Encyclopedia of Peace", Volume 2, "Early Christianity and Antimilitarism - Mass Violence and Trends", 2010. Accessed: May 4, 2015.
  10. ^ "Aldo Marchesi: Old Ideas in New Discourses". Ssrc.org. 2001-11-26. Retrieved 2012-03-01. 
  11. ^ """Página/12 :: El país :: "Se escucha sólo a una parte. Pagina12.com.ar. Retrieved 2012-03-01. 
  12. ^ DyN, EFE (news agencies) (26 January 2006). "Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo realizaron la última Marcha de la Resistencia". Clarin. Retrieved March 28, 2011. 
  13. ^ "Bonafini anunció que las Madres harán la última Marcha de la Resistencia". El Pais. Edant. 14 January 2006. Retrieved 2012-03-01. 
  14. ^ "Hebe de Bonafini S.A.: Cuando el dolor sirve para ganar dinero y poder". Patagones Noticias. 
  15. ^ "Página/12 - Las Madres y su construcción de sueños". Pagina12.com.ar. Retrieved 2012-03-01. 
  16. ^ "Podrían denunciar plan de viviendas de Madres de Plaza de Mayo". El Intransigente. 
  17. ^ a b "Les quitan a las madres el manejo del plan de viviendas". La Nación. 
  18. ^ "'"Bonafini says Schoklenders are 'scammers, traitors. Buenos Aires Herald. 
  19. ^ "Bonafini says Schoklenders are 'scammers, traitors". Buenos Aires Herald. 
  20. ^ [16]
  21. ^ "Grandmothers' president recovers grandson taken away under dictatorship". Buenos Aires Herald. 5 Aug 2014. 
  22. ^ Gandsman, Ari (16 April 2009). A Prick of a Needle Can Do No Harm": Compulsory Extraction of Blood in the Search for the Children of Argentina's Disappeared""". The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology. 1 14: 162–184.  
  23. ^ "Gleitsman International Activist Award". Center for Public Leadership. Retrieved 2012-03-01. 

References

See also

  • The Official Story is a film related to the "stolen babies" cases.
  • Cautiva is another film related to the "stolen babies" cases.
  • An opera entitled Las Madres de la Plaza (2008) premiered in Leffler Chapel at Elizabethtown College in Pennsylvania. It was written in a collaboration of students, staff, and faculty of the school, headed up by James Haines and John Rohrkemper.
  • In an episode of Destinos set in Argentina, protagonist Raquel is told about the Mothers of the Plaza and sees a portion of a march.
  • "U2" wrote a song, "Mothers of the Disappeared", inspired by, and in tribute to their cause. The song appeared on their record breaking 1987 album, "The Joshua Tree".

Representation in other media

Awards and prizes

The Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo (Spanish: Asociación Civil Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo) is an organization which has the aim of finding the "stolen" babies, whose mothers were killed during the "Dirty War". Its president is Estela Barnes de Carlotto.[20] As of 2014, their efforts have resulted in finding 114 grandchildren.[21][22]

Grandmothers

Its growing budgets, which totaled around US $300 million allocated between 2008 and 2011 (of which $190 million had been spent), came under scrutiny. There was controversy when the Chief Financial Officer of Sueños Compartidos, Sergio Schoklender, and his brother Pablo (the firm's attorney) were alleged to have embezzled funds.[17] The Schoklender brothers had been convicted in 1981 for the murder of their parents and served 15 years in prison. After gaining Bonafini's confidence, they were managing the project's finances with little oversight from the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo or the program's licensor, the Secretary of Public Works. Their friendship with the Association ended in June 2011 after Bonafini learned of irregularities in their handling of the group's finances.[18] Following an investigation ordered by Federal Judge Norberto Oyarbide, the Secretary of Public Works canceled the Sueños Compartidos contract in August 2011. The outstanding projects were transferred to the Undersecretary of Housing and Urban Development.[19]

The Association at one time managed a federally funded housing program, Sueños Compartidos ("Shared Dreams"), which it founded in 2008.[15] By 2011, Sueños Compartidos had completed 5,600 housing units earmarked for slum residents, and numerous other facilities in six provinces and the city of Buenos Aires.[16][17]

The Association remained close to Kirchnerism. They established a newspaper (La Voz de las Madres), a radio station, and a university (Popular University of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo).[14]

Social involvement and political controversies

The Founding Line faction announced that it would continue both the Thursday marches and the annual marches to commemorate the long struggle of resistance to the Dirty War.

On 26 January 2006, members of the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo Association announced what they said was their final annual March of Resistance at the Plaza de Mayo, saying "the enemy isn't in the Government House anymore."[12] They acknowledged the significance of President Néstor Kirchner's success in having the Full Stop Law (Ley de Punto Final) and the Law of Due Obedience repealed and declared unconstitutional.[13] They said they would continued weekly Thursday marches in pursuit of action on other social causes.

The Madres de la Plaza de Mayo march in October 2006.

Final March of Resistance

In 2003, Congress repealed the Pardon Laws, and in 2005 the Argentine Supreme Court ruled them unconstitutional. The government re-opened prosecution of war crimes, and former high-ranking military and security officers have been convicted and sentenced in new cases. Among the charges is the stealing of babies of the disappeared. The first major figure, Miguel Etchecolatz, was convicted and sentenced in 2006.

A scholar of the movement, Marguerite Guzman Bouvard, wrote that the association faction wanted "a complete transformation of Argentine political culture" and "envisions a socialist system free of the domination of special interests". The Mothers association is backed by younger militants who support a Cuban-style revolution in Argentina. In the wake of the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States, Bonafini defended the actions of the airline hijackers, calling them "courageous", stating that many people "had been avenged", and connecting their ideals with the cause of the guerrilla groups in 1970s Argentina.[10] Speaking for the Mothers, she rejected the investigations of alleged Iranian involvement in the 1994 AMIA Bombing (the terrorist attack on the AMIA Jewish community center), saying the Argentine government was serving U.S. interests.[11]

In 1986, the Mothers split into two factions. One group, called the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo-Founding Line, focused on legislation, the recovery of the remains of their children, and bringing ex-officials to justice. Hebe de Bonafini continued to lead a more radical faction under the name Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo Association. These mothers felt responsible for carrying on their children's political work; they assumed the agenda that originally led to the disappearance of the dissidents they wanted returned. Unlike the Founding Line, the Association refused government help or compensation. They pledged not to recognize the deaths of their children until the government would admit its fault.[9]

In addition, together with Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, the Mothers have identified 256 missing children who were adopted soon after being born to mothers in prison or camps who were later "disappeared". Seven of the identified children have died. Thirty-one of the children were returned to their biological families. In 13 cases, the adoptive and biological families agreed to raise the children jointly. Parents who were judged in court to be guilty of having adopted—or “appropriated”—the children of the disappeared while knowing the truth about their origins were susceptible to imprisonment. The Mothers and Grandmothers were also subject to repeated disappointments on this front: many DNA tests came back negative, and not all recovered grandchildren embraced their biological grandparents, who were strangers to them. Many, loyal to the only parents they’d known, refused even to be tested.[8]

The government conducted a national commission to collect testimony about the "disappeared", hearing from hundreds of witnesses. In 1985, it began prosecution of men indicted for crimes, beginning with the Trial of the Juntas, in which several high-ranking military officers were convicted and sentenced. The military threatened a coup to prevent widening of prosecutions, and in 1986, Congress passed Ley de Punto Final, which ended the prosecutions.

Beginning in 1984, teams assisted by the American geneticist Mary-Claire King began to use DNA testing to identify remains, when bodies of the "disappeared" were found.

In the years after the war, the association grew and became more insistent, demanding answers from the government as to the fates and locations of their missing children. After the military gave up its authority to a civilian government in 1983, the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo rekindled their hopes that they might at last learn what had become of their children. Far from abandoning their campaign, now that the military was out of power, they pushed for more information.[7]

The mothers with President Néstor Kirchner

Divisions and radicalization

In 2005, forensic anthropologists dug up some bodies that had been buried in an unmarked grave after washing ashore in late December 1977 near the beach resort of Santa Teresita, south of Buenos Aires. DNA testing identified among them Azucena Villaflor, Esther Careaga and María Eugenia Bianco, the three disappeared pioneer Mothers of the Plaza. In December 2005, Azucena Villaflor's ashes were buried in the Plaza de Mayo.[6]

Esther Careaga and María Eugenia Bianco, two other founders of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, were also "disappeared". In early 1978, unidentified bodies began to wash up on the beaches south of Buenos Aires. Some of the movement's most prominent supporters have been disappeared but their bodies never found, like French nationalist Leonie Duquet. Duquet and her sister, both French nuns, were taken during the Dirty War. Their disappearance attracted international attention and outrage, with demands for a United Nations investigation of human rights abuses in the country. France demanded information on the sisters, but the Argentine government denied all responsibility for them.[5]

The military has admitted that over 9,000 of those kidnapped are still unaccounted for, but the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo say that the number of missing is closer to 30,000. Most are presumed dead. An estimated 500 of the missing are the children born in concentration camps or prison to pregnant 'disappeared' women; many of the babies were given in illegal adoptions to military families and others associated with the regime. Their mothers were generally believed to have been killed. The numbers are hard to determine due to the secrecy surrounding the abductions.

As the number of disappeared grew, the movement grew, and the Mothers gained international attention during the years of the Dirty War. They drew international attention, and began to try and build pressure by outside governments against the Argentine dictatorship by sharing the many stories of the "disappeared". On 10 December 1977, International Human Rights Day, the Mothers published a newspaper advertisement with the names of their missing children. That same night, Azucena Villaflor (one of the original founders) was kidnapped from her home in Avellaneda by a group of armed men. She is reported to have been taken to the infamous ESMA torture centre, and from there on one of the “death flights” to the middle of the ocean. During these flights, the abducted were drugged, stripped and flung into the sea. [4] In 1978, when Argentina’s hosted the World Cup, the Mothers' demonstrations at the Plaza were covered by the international press corps in town for the sporting event.[3]

In the years of the military regime, citizens were highly fearful of attracting the government's attention. Opposition was not tolerated; those opposing the government were made to go away. Just a year after the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo was created, hundreds of women were participating, gathering in the Plaza for weekly demonstrations. They found strength in each other by marching in public, and even attracted some press. They made signs with photos of their children and publicized their children's names. The government tried to marginalize and trivialize their work by calling them "las locas" (the madwomen).[3]

The Mothers' association was made up of women who had met each other while trying to find their missing sons and daughters. Many of the disappeared were believed to have been abducted by agents of the Argentine government during the years known as the Dirty War (1976–1983); the "disappeared" were often tortured and killed before their bodies were disposed of in rural areas or unmarked graves. The original founders of the group were Azucena Villaflor de De Vincenti, Berta Braverman, Haydée García Buelas; María Adela Gard de Antokoletz, Julia, María Mercedes and Cándida Gard (four sisters); Delicia González, Pepa Noia, Mirta Baravalle, Kety Neuhaus, Raquel Arcushin, and Senora De Caimi.

On April 30, 1977, Azucena Villaflor de De Vincenti was accompanied by a dozen other mothers to the Plaza de Mayo in Argentina's capital city. Arising from a multitude of histories and families, the women had one universally shared experience: each had at least one child who had been disappeared by the military government. Together they made the decision to protest. The location they zeroed in on was just across the street from the presidential office building, la Casa Rosada (the Pink House). In choosing this location the mothers utilized their visibility as a means to gain information on and hopefully recover their children. While they held weekly marches, the mothers also began an international campaign to defy the propaganda distributed by the military regime. This campaign brought the attention of the world to Argentina.[2]

Origins of the movement

Contents

  • Origins of the movement 1
  • Divisions and radicalization 2
  • Final March of Resistance 3
  • Social involvement and political controversies 4
  • Grandmothers 5
  • Awards and prizes 6
  • Representation in other media 7
  • See also 8
  • References 9
  • Further reading 10
  • External links 11

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